Előretolt dallamcsúcsok és emelkedő dallamok a magyar eldöntendő kérdések hanglejtésében

Baditzné Pálvölgyi, Kata (2021) Előretolt dallamcsúcsok és emelkedő dallamok a magyar eldöntendő kérdések hanglejtésében. MAGYAR NYELVŐR, 145 (4). pp. 460-477. ISSN 0025-0236

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Abstract

Melodic peak displacement and end-rising contours in Hungarian yes-no questions. This study investigates two aspects of Hungarian intonation: the presence of melodic peaks in general yes-no questions and the issue of under what circumstances yes-no questions can end with a rising final inflection. The normative realization of standard yes-no questions in this language is characterised by an end-falling contour, a rise-fall. The intonation of this contour involves a rise or a plateau (or a combination of the two) from the last main-accented syllable to the penultimate syllable, from where the melody falls. Still, in short, maximally disyllabic yes-no questions or emphatic yes-no questions with the last main accent stretching over up to two syllables, the rise-fall is realised phonetically only as a moderate rise. There are certain lexical items, however, the presence of which makes it possible to apply a falling-rising contour besides the standard rising-falling one. These yes-no questions imply divergence from the unmarked meaning, and an ultimately rising melody at the end of the question. According to a perception test administered to 30 Hungarian informants, the melodic peak of general yes-no questions can be displaced to the antepenultimate syllable or even to the one before that, without changing the interpretation of the utterance as a question by listeners – but the most natural position is still the penult. Yes-no questions including a special question particle can effectively be accompanied by a falling-rising melody, but listeners find its presence less natural than end-falling contours in those utterances.

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